.
Effective Georgist Action |
| [Reprinted from Land
& Liberty, Winter 1996] |
THE PLEA by W.J. Barber (Land and Liberty, Autumn 1995) is for
a national -- I assume English -- political campaign to put Georgist
legislation onto the Statute Books.
A better place for the effort might be New Zealand -- an unsubdivided,
compact and cohesive nation where the Governor is an appointed chief
executive officer; there is no obstructive and landlordly Upper House
and there still remains some benefit from the small-scale attempt at the
municipal level. There is also a far stronger memory of 'Geoigism' as
preached by Sir George Grey and his confreres in the 1890s than could be
found today in England of the preaching by Lord Randolph Churchill, his
son Sir Winston and David Lloyd George.
Today's Georgists should applaud Mr. Barber and ask just why the
valiant effort in Denmark -- that in the 1950s looked so hopeful -- have
left such little mark and why the forces of reaction were able to halt
the municipal effort.
The answer probably lies in what assuredly followed the publication of
Progress and Poverty and then the sweep of Henry George into
world prominence. It would have brought consternation and alarm to the
monopolists, some of whom would have advocated agent provocateur
action with armed force to follow. More cunning heads would have said "No.
My friend Tom Shearman is my legal man in New York and he will certainly
have no wish for bloodshed. Let me have a word with him, for I am sure
we can gain the time to plan quietly and effectively. We ourselves
cannot now risk armed force."
That scenario would account for Shearman's well-meant but innocent
proposals that the movement call itself the Single Tax and that work
should start at the municipal level. It would account for George, at
that first big conference, "disconsolately taking the noes"
as they crossed the floor to vote against the motions. (In Henry
George Reconsidered, Rhoda Hellman documents it.
The movement has wasted a century on what Fred Harrison now calls "the
municipal trivialization". Why George was "disconsolate"
was probably through sensing a flaw in the argument while being unable
instantly to see it. He was more a prophet than astute political planner
and campaigner and the effects of oncoming illness may already have been
slowing him! For want of deep analysis my generation, along with my
father's and grandfather's generations, all failed to "Do the work
of the Prophet!" Let us make a start now.
This time, let us take Fred Harrison's cue and aggrandize our
programme. Let us answer Mr Barber's plea and everywhere form political
groups aimed openly at the instant taking of every last cent or penny of
site rent into the public coffers, there to replace taxation, not to
merely reform it!
This requires an unequivocal demand by our propagandists for 'the lot
and instantly!' We won't get it instantly, but as our support swells,
there will be sops proffered by our opponents while they cling to the
remnants of their power.
Each such sop must be astutely accepted, but our propagandists, in
parliament and out, must lambaste the monopolists at every turn: "You
give us this crumb from your stolen wealth, hoping it will delay us or
somehow pervert us, while you lie to the workers that your action in
somewhat dropping their taxes and fractionally raising their wages is a
result of your good government. You always have been fabricators
and deceivers. You still are. And you always will be until we, we, have
recorded every last cent and penny of the loot that for centuries you
and your predecessors have been stealing from the workers. That, plus
our secondary aim of destroying the power that for so long has turned
you from being good and effective individuals into the arrogant and
lying bunch of knaves that you are."
Never again must we let the universities and the churches be used to
twist the language and subvert the argument. We must make our language
as red hot as was/is (he robbery that goes on through today's
parliaments! We must make a continuing analysis of every word and
phrase, constantly restating them in everyday commercial language. No
longer should we allow any inadequacy in our analysis or argument. We
must have cogent answers on every point.
With clarity and intensity of language we will then see and say that
robbery through the rent of money -- and the withholding of it from use
-- is just as heinous as robbery through the rent of land. Each must be
made unprofitable, totally unprofitable, not trivially. Only
then, with rent totally taken for government, will the landlordly
schemers be totally unable to withhold land from use and unable to
continue their depredations against society. Only then, by painting the
logic of Henry George in terms of commercial commonsense, can we expect
the community to give us their fullhearted approval and support.
Mr. Barber, I overwhelmingly support your plea.
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