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Henry George, The Scholar
Francis Neilson
[A Commencement Address Delivered at the
Henry George School of Social Science, 3 June, 1940]
HENRY GEORGE was thirty-two years old when he wrote his little book,
Our Land and Land Policy. His son tells us that his Alma Mater
was the forecastle and the printing office. He was poor, unheralded,
unknown. What advantages of education were at hand in the western
country when he was a youth must have been meagre. There was no
Carnegie in that day, to endow libraries where the poor man might find
food for his mind and refreshment for his soul; nor, in that day, were
there any sh6rt-cuts t6 information, such as The Family Book of
Knowledge and Bartlett's Familiar Quotations. The pursuit
of knowledge in that time, to a man like Henry George, meant toiling
to the heart of the subject, along the rough way of thorny problems;
the best way in the end for a man to equip himself with the thought of
his worthy predecessors.
He must have been an unusual man-one possessed of intellectual
courage-to set to work to write Our Land and Land Policy. I
have often wondered what Henry George was doing, during the six years
after he wrote that short book, to gather the material for the work
which he began in 1877 and published three years later under the title
of Progress and Poverty. The reason I have pondered this
question so often, for a period of at least forty years, is that no
matter how often I return to the book, I am more and more impressed
with the fact that George reveals in it not only a tenacity of
purpose, but a thoroughness of review which covers the known works of
the chief economists who wrote in English during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. Moreover, Progress and Poverty reveals a
familiarity with works which lie on the fringe of the science of
political economy. There are innumerable references to authors who are
not mentioned by writers on economic subjects, even so late as John
Stuart Mill. The skill manifested by George in selecting his
quotations from these authors indicates clearly that the more facets
of reference and substantiation he could gather to prove his point,
the surer would be the literary effect to be produced.
Many men have asked me: where did he get his learning? I remember
years ago spending some time with Dr. Hodgkin at Barmore Castle in
Northumberland. I had gone down to the constituency of Berwick, for
which Sir Edward Grey sat in the House of Commons, to speak -- not in
support of Grey, but solely on the question of Land Values and Free
Trade. One night after we returned from meeting, we were gathered at
the supper table. There were several of the doctor's friends at the
board, and he suddenly said to me, "Neilson, I have heard all
this before. Now where? It wasn't Grey when he was a young man."
Then his daughter rose from the table and, in a few moments, returned
with a book and placed it before her father. He picked it up, looked
at it for a moment, gave it a slap of affection and said: "Here
you are, Neilson, Henry George's Progress and Poverty. Bless
my life, I had forgotten all about it!"
It was one of the early editions -- many parts of it inter-leaved;
nearly every margin had a note. He said, "It must be over twenty
years since I read this book, and let me tell you, Neilson, I was
never so impressed with a secular work as I was with this." Then
the famous old doctor opened out and, for many minutes, treated the
men at the board with a perfectly beautiful dissertation on what was
revealed in George's work. Numbers of similar instances have occurred
in my life.
The point I want to get home is this: that George had no educational
advantages; he was poor, but he had youth and health, and these two
boons enabled him to do an intellectual giant's work. if George could
do that sixty years ago, what can the poor man of natural ability do
now, when every educational avenue, closed to George, lies wide open
to a youth today in any village in the land; for it would be a very
unusual country town that could not boast a library.
What was the secret of George's endeavor? First, he was a unique
observer. The old saying, "he kept his wits about him," is
here directly applicable. He viewed the conditions in the drama of
life as it passed before him; and, to use another homely phrase, "he
two and two together." He witnessed every day the game of the
land monopolists grabbing the land for a rise, and quickly he
discerned what brought that rise about. The patch of land might be
bare -- not an improvement on it; not a man putting in a spade.
Nearby, someone builds a little house, a shop or a chapel. Round the
patch of bare land the people gather and make their improvements and,
just as the improvements increase, so does the value of the bare patch
increase. That had been going on for centuries and centuries. But no
one saw in it the whole problem of the labor question as George saw
it.
Then came the idea. That was sufficient; for, when an idea starts in
the mind of a man like George, it begs to be clothed. It demands
education. It is unceasing in its beseechings to be put into fine
intellectual raiment. That is the wonderful thing about an idea. A
poor man, almost uninstructed, once an idea takes root in his mind and
thrills his spirit, can, in a few years, make of himself a scholar.
The short introductory chapter to Progress and Poverty
prepares us for the literary treat which is to follow. There is a
reference on the first page to a great man, which stimulates our
curiosity. He mentions Priestley. What brought Priestley to George's
notice? Who was Priestley? Joseph Priestley was a parson and a chemist
who lived in England. He wrote a history of electricity. Late in life
he emigrated to Pennsylvania and died there in 1804. He discovered
nitric oxide, and was the first to use carbon dioxide in the
preparation of mineral waters.
We read on a few pages and a prophecy of Macaulay is brought to our
notice. Further on, in one paragraph we are reminded of the gulf
between Dives and Lazarus. At the end of that same paragraph, he tells
us: "The fruits of the tree of knowledge turn as we grasp them to
apples of Sodom that crumble at the touch." A perfect sentence.
These names taken from the Bible indicate to me that George was a
profound student of the Old and New Testaments. Indeed, Progress
and Poverty shows on every page that its author moulded his style
to conform to Biblical standards.
The time expended on a thorough survey of the economists of his day
must have been great. Perhaps he had become acquainted with several of
them before he wrote Our Land and Land Policy. Even so, it was
a great task he set himself, for we must remember that he had to make
his living and care for his family while he educated himself and
prepared the material for his work. It is no easy task to read The
Wealth of Nations, for that is a work which grew as Smith
proceeded from chapter to chapter, but George read it with
understanding. No one before had attempted to examine closely the
terms Smith employed.
To pass from Adam Smith to Sir Henry Maine increases our estimation
of the width of the range of the intellectual journey George set upon.
I doubt whether there are many economists in the universities of today
who are familiar with Maine's Ancient Society and his other
excellent works. The geographical knowledge of George was wide. Within
a few pages we have references to the pyramids and the Nile valley,
the St. Gothard Tunnel, the Suez Canal and many other distant places.
He read William Godwin's Inquiry Concerning Political Justice.
Then, in dealing with the Malthusian theory, George writes:
"Agassiz, who, to the day of his death, was a
strenuous opponent of the new philosophy, spoke of Darwinianism as
'Malthus all over,' and Darwin himself says the struggle for
existence 'is the doctrine of Malthus applied with manifold force to
the animal world and vegetable kingdom.'"
Here is a striking illustration of George's thoroughness in pursuing
an idea to its source. I doubt whether there were many authors, at the
time George was writing, who were familiar with Montesquieu. The
author of the Spirit of the Laws was not popular, and I doubt
whether his book at any time was catalogued as a best seller. George
says:
"Since Montesquieu, in the early part of the last
century, asserted, what was then probably the prevailing impression,
that the population of the earth had, since the Christian era,
greatly declined, opinion has run the other way. But the tendency of
recent investigation and exploration has been to give greater credit
to what have been deemed the exaggerated accounts of ancient
historians and travelers, and to reveal indications of denser
populations and more advanced civilizations than had before been
suspected, as well as of a higher antiquity in the human race."
Yes, investigation and exploration have now given to us the Peking
Man, which reveals to the anthropologist and the archaeologist a
civilization half a million years old, and that man was a land animal
then; his profession was agriculture; he was a capitalist, and he
saved his surplus for a rainy day.
In Progress and Poverty evidence comes before us time and
again that George knew his English history. For example, he says:
"The just principles of English law have been
extended by an elaborate system of codes and law officers designed
to secure to the humblest of these abject (Indian) peoples the
rights of Anglo-Saxon freemen."
I doubt whether either Maitland or Sit Frederick Pollock would have
stated the condition in different terms.
In quoting from Macaulay's Essay on Lord Clive, George makes
it clear how the terror of conquest affected the people of India. And
he says:
"These famines, which have been and are now,
sweeping away their millions, are no more due to the pressure of
population upon the natural limits of subsistence than was the
desolation of the Carnatic when Hyder Ali's horsemen burst upon it
in a whirlwind of destruction."
George saw to the very heart of the problem which both Macaulay and
Edmund Burke failed to touch. Read that chapter again, and read it
carefully -- the one in which George deals with the Malthusian
doctrine in connection with the conditions in India which harrowed the
mind of Macaulay.
GEORGE was not only a scholar; he was a prophet. In his book there
are many passages which describe vividly the condition we have reached
in this country. It was written seventy years ago when, to many in
Europe, this country seemed to be a bright dawn breaking; its rosy
flush beckoning to the millions in Europe to cast off their shackles
and enter the land of opportunity. But George saw clearly the evils
taking root in society, and he warned us, while there was time, to
attack these evils and rid the body politic of them. Alas, we took no
heed. The result he describes vividly in the following passage:
"The type of modern growth is the great city. Here
are to be found the greatest wealth and the deepest poverty. And it
is here that popular government has most clearly broken down. In all
the great American cities there is today as clearly defined a ruling
class as in the most aristocratic countries of the world. Its
members carry wards in their pockets, make up the slates for
nominating conventions, distribute offices as they bargain together,
and-though they toil not, neither do they spin -- wear the best of
raiment and spend money lavishly. They are men of power, whose favor
the ambitious must court and whose vengeance he must avoid. Who are
these men? The wise, the good, the learned-men who have earned the
confidence of their fellow-citizens by the purity of their lives,
the splendor of their talents, their probity in public trusts, their
deep study of the problems of government? No; they are gamblers,
saloon keepers, pugilists, or worse, who have made a trade of
controlling votes and of buying and selling offices and official
acts. They stand to the government of these cities as the Praetorian
Guards did to that of declining Rome. He who would wear the purple,
fill the curule chair, or have the fasces carried before him, must
go or send his messengers to their camps, give them donatives and
make them promises. It is through these men that the rich
corporations and powerful pecuniary interests can pack the Senate
and the bench with their creatures. It is these men who make School
Directors, Supervisors, Assessors, members of the Legislature,
Congressmen. Why, there are many election districts in the United
States in which a George Washington, a Benjamin Franklin or a Thomas
Jefferson could no more go to the lower house of a State Legislature
than under the Ancient Regime a base born peasant could become a
Marshal of France. Their very character would be an insuperable
disqualification."
There is a passage to which I wish particularly to draw your
attention because it not only reveals the quality of George's
knowledge, but to a great extent, the depth of his thought. He is
dealing with two fascinating problems: first, the physical improvement
in the race; and second, the mental improvement in it. These are
questions with which the greatest thinkers from age to age have
grappled in an attempt to reach a decision. This is the way that
George presents it to us:
"The assumption of physical improvement in the race
within any time of which we have knowledge is utterly without
warrant, and within the time of which Mr. Bagehot speaks, it is
absolutely disproved. We know from classic statues, from the burdens
carried and the marches made by ancient soldiers, from the records
of runners and the feats of gymnasts, that neither in proportions
nor strength has the race improved within two thousand years. But
the assumption of mental improvement, which is even more confidently
and generally made, is still more preposterous. As poets, artists,
architects, philosophers, rhetoricians, statesmen, or soldiers, can
modern civilization show individuals of greater mental power than
can the ancient? There is no use in recalling names -- every
schoolboy knows them. For our models and personifications of mental
power we go back to the ancients, and if we can for a moment imagine
the possibility of what is held by that oldest and most widespread
of all beliefs -- that belief which Lessing declared on this account
the most probably true, though he accepted it on metaphysical
grounds -- and suppose Homer or Virgil, Demosthenes or Cicero,
Alexander, Hannibal or Caesar, Plato or Lucretius, Euclid or
Aristotle, as re-entering this life again in the Nineteenth Century,
can we suppose that they would show any inferiority to the men of
to-day?
We of modern civilization are raised far above those
who have preceded us and those of the less advanced races who are
our contemporaries. But it is because we stand on a pyramid, not
that we are taller. What the centuries have done for us is not to
increase our stature, but to build up a structure on which we may
plant our feet."
GEORGE pointed the moral which Gibbon in The Decline and Fall
has placed before us. Our author, however, saw more deeply into the
dissolution of the Roman State than any of his predecessors. Here is a
passage which attracted the mind of as fine a Roman scholar as I have
ever met. Romaine Paterson, who wrote The Nemesis of Nations,
remarked that this passage put the reason for the decline of Roman
civilization in a nutshell. The passage reads:
"The Roman civilization did not petrify as did the
homogeneous civilizations where the strong bonds of custom and
superstition that held the people in subjection probably also
protected them, or at any rate kept the peace between rulers and
ruled; it rotted, declined and fell. Long before Goth or Vandal had
broken through the cordon of the legions, even while her frontiers
were advancing, Rome was dead at the heart. Great estates had ruined
Italy. Inequality had dried up the strength and destroyed the vigor
of the Roman world. Government became despotism, which even
assassination could not temper; patriotism became servility; vices
the most foul flouted themselves in public; literature sank to
puerilities; learning was forgotten; fertile districts became waste
without the ravages of war -- everywhere inequality produced decay,
political, mental, moral, and material. The barbarism which
overwhelmed Rome came not from without, but from within. It was the
necessary product of the system which had substituted slaves and
colonii for the independent husbandmen of Italy, and carved
the provinces into estates of senatorial families."
The wealth of illustration, the plenitude of example that George
brings to bear upon evil economic conditions must impress any
intellectual man with the fact that within a few years (perhaps eight
or ten at most), he literally combed the histories of his time for the
abundance of material he used. Indeed, he has made it easy for any
young man of inquiring mind and persevering spirit to make of himself
a well-informed individual in a fourth of the time that it took George
to gather his knowledge.
The secret of George's success in this respect was that he was
fearless. He had a job to do and it became his recreation. He never
spared himself; no true scholar ever does. The man who knows his
subject, once he determines to give expression to it, cannot help
setting it down in clear terms but as he applies himself to the task,
he realizes that his statements must march in attractive garb. He must
add color, imagery and those decorative arts of style which win the
reader, fascinate him, persuade him to read on. Here is an example of
the way in which George does it:
"
Occasionally, comes a straggling lecturer
to open up glimpses of the world of science, of literature, or of
art; in election times, come stump speakers, and the citizen rises
to a sense of dignity and power, as the cause of empires is tried
before him in the struggle of John Doe and Richard Roe for his
support and vote. And, by and by, comes the circus, talked of months
before, and opening to children whose horizon has been the prairie,
all the realms of the imagination-princes and princesses of fairy
tale, mail-clad crusaders and turbaned Moors, Cinderella's fairy
coach, and the giants of nursery lore; lions such as crouched before
Daniel, or in circling Roman amphitheater tore the saints of God;
ostriches who recall the sandy deserts; camels such as stood around
when the wicked brethren raised Joseph from the well and sold him
into bondage; elephants such as crossed the Alps with Hannibal, or
felt the sword of the Maccabees; and glorious music that thrills and
builds in the chambers of the mind as rose the sunny dome of Kubla
Khan."
A wide range of knowledge to provide attractive references, lively
similes and striking examples to embellish the argument are important
adjuncts to good writing; all these qualities are found in Progress
and Poverty. What could be more apt than the quotation George
takes from Sir William Jones:
"To whomsoever the soil at any time belongs, to him
belong the fruits of it. White parasols, and elephants mad with
pride are the flowers of a grant of land."
Sir William Jones was an orientalist and jurist, who wrote the Sakuntala.
How Henry George found Jones' translation of a document setting down
an Indian grant of land, mystifies me.
Take another example:
"The widow is gathering nettles for her children's
dinner; a perfumed seigneur, delicately lounging in the Oeil-de-Boeuf,
hath an alchemy whereby he will extract from her the third nettle,
and call it rent."
This from Thomas Carlyle.
In Chapter II of the Fifth Book, he takes us back to Hallam, the
historian, and he writes a few pages on the condition in England after
the Black Death. He quotes from Hugh Latimer who was burned at Oxford;
Latimer, the man who said:
"Play the man, Master Ridley. We shall well this
day light such a candle by God's grace in England as I trust shall
never be put out!"
I think George must have read Green's Short History of the
English People, for he refers to the Enclosure of Commons and the
division of the Church lands, which were the causes of depopulating
the countryside and raising the value of land. An amusing bit taken
from Sir Henry Maine's Indian Studies reminds us of many
occurrences which took place a few years ago, during the strikes in
this country. George says:
"There is an ancient Hindoo mode of compelling the
payment of a just debt, traces of something akin to which Sir Henry
Maine has found in the laws of the Irish Brehons. It is called,
sitting dharna -- -the creditor seeking enforcement of his
debt by sitting down a the door of the debtor, and refusing to eat
or drink until he is paid."
Then George remarks:
"Like this is the method of labor combinations. In
their strikes, trades' unions sit dharna. But, unlike the
Hindoo, they have not the power of superstition to back them."
One of the most remarkable evidences of George's scholarship is his
references to the Classics. There are many such in the book. He refers
to the Olympian Games, Lycurgus, Themistocles, Plutarch, the Gracchi
and numerous other personages as well as their laws, the crises
through which they passed and, of course, the causes of their
downfall. I realize fully that George refers to works -- those of
Guizot, the historian -- which might have been books of reference,
yielding, to a careful student, apt quotations from the Classics; but
one must remember that the way in which George uses such material
indicates that he had a much wider knowledge than what could have been
gleaned from secondary sources. Perhaps this wealth of material
spurred him on to go to the sources direct. At any rate, he shows
clearly that he is always on safe ground, and gives one a sense of
security which comes with the faith that he knows what he is doing and
the object at which he is aiming.
Towards the end of the book he becomes prophetic to a singular
degree. He says:
"This truth involves both a menace and a promise.
It shows that the evils arising from the unjust and unequal
distribution of wealth, which are becoming more and more apparent as
modern civilization goes on, are not incidents of progress, but
tendencies which must bring progress to a halt; that they will not
cure themselves, but, on the contrary, must, unless their cause is
removed, grow greater and greater, until they sweep us back into
barbarism by the road every previous civilization has trod."
THE book is as fresh and sound in idea 7as if it had been published
yesterday. The conditions with which it deals are the conditions in
which we live today. The principles it examines are as ancient as the
toils of man and as true today as ever they were. The primary factors
in production, which governed the activities of the Peking; man,
govern those of every person of our time. Land, the passive factor;
labor, the active factor; and capital, the assisting factor, remain
unchanged, no matter how much stupid governments attempt to change
that which must persist. Every clear-headed person knows that a tax on
wealth reduces purchasing power, diminishes demand for labor products,
discourages initiative and penalizes improvement. No matter what
history into which we delve, whether that of the anthropologist or of
the archaeologist, or, indeed, that of the ancient recorders (as I
have attempted to show in The Eleventh Commandment), one finds
conclusive evidence arid perfect corroboration of the Georgian
philosophy. It is academic cowardice and laziness which defraud the
young in our colleges and universities of the boons to clear thinking
which George gives us in Progress and Poverty.
How many works have been given to us of this generation, which
emphasize in an extraordinary manner the thought that was in George's
mind! To mention only two -- both from Germans -- we had Spengler's
Decline of the West, and Egon Friedell's A Cultural
History of the Modern Age. These men, from different points of
view, arrived at George's conclusion.
We have been led astray. False prophets; false doctors of philosophy,
spurious historians have done their dirty work since the middle of the
sixteenth century. The Renaissance was not a new birth; it was merely
a feeble attempt to revive Classicism. It failed because it was bound
to fail. Although the Humanists deluded themselves into thinking that
salvation was to be found in ephemeral schemes for the educative
betterment of man, they failed to realize that man was a land animal
and that he could not live or work without land. Steadily we have seen
the deterioration of all those prime motives which moved Henry George
so deeply. Religion. as it was understood for many centuries, has been
abandoned and, in its place, the sociologists have presented to us a
religion of daily affairs. We are told to bow down before the people
and acknowledge their greatness. Well, we have been bowing down for a
long time and, instead of becoming convinced that the people en masse
are great, many of us are coming to the conclusion that they have
nothing like the wit which their uneducated predecessors used every
day of their lives. To turn a Bible phrase to our use: "Christianity
has gone a-whoring after false gods."
Yet, another revolution is taking place. The physicists, the
biologists, the archaeologists and, indeed, some of the
anthropologists are finding, in their attempts to solve the great
riddles of the universe, that they cannot dispense with God, the
Creator, the beneficent Father who provided the earth for His
children. In recent years I have read many books which have convinced
me that a new light is penetrating the minds of scientists -- a light
not yet traveling at the rate of 186,000 miles per second, but
traveling all the same. Two books have been published in recent years,
which would have brought joy to the heart of Henry George: one by a
great scientist, Gustaf Stromberg, The Soul of the Universe;
the other, called God, and written by America's only philosopher, John
Elof Boodin.
It is never too late -- not even at this hour, when Europe is struck
with the most mortal of all mad diseases, and America is preparing to
similar way: it is never too late -- to return to First Principles. A
mighty effort is called for to rehabilitate mankind on an economic
basis. This effort calls for freedom -- freedom to use the earth,
freedom to produce, freedom to do legitimately what one desires with
its produce; to enjoy the gifts of the Creator and, enjoying, know the
relaxations which man needs to furnish his mind with thong and
kindness, to inspire his soul with the highest ideals.
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