A quizzical eyebrow may well be raised at the
thought of reviewing at this time a book first published in 1949. Yet,
when the book in question remains a continuing example of intellectual
accomplishment, which can be read even today as if it were now newly
issued, surely there is ample reason once again to call attention to
it. The Power in the People, a great work by Felix Morley, is
a contemporary classic, as rewarding and edifying as ever, whose
enduring validity is perhaps best evidenced by the fact that when a
new edition appeared in 1972, a quarter century after it was written,
it was reprinted without change from the original edition. Nor is any
change required currently, for there is no need to update so timeless
land timelyl a volume.
Basically, Dr. Morley's text is a treatise on
the birth and growth of the American nation, its topic being politics,
not economics. In it he presents an extremely profound analysis of the
origin, creation, and development of the governmental structure that
has brought about the evolvement of the United States from a group of
isolated colonies to a rich and powerful country. However, the book
ranges far beyond this oversimplified description. While Morley
considers in broad and pene trating fashion the form, system, devel
opment, and operation of our govern ment, it is clearly not the
structure that commands his earnest attention as much as the character
and purpose of our perhaps unique kind of government, and its effect
on the life and liberty of the American populace.
Dr. Morley strongly emphasizes his concern that
there exists far too little understanding, not only of the very
meaning of the term "republic," but also of what really
constitutes a repub lican system of government, and the particular and
quite special nature and goals of our own republic, as rooted in the
Constitution. He somewhat bitterly points out that "foreign
observers have long been more interested than Ameri cans in analyzing
the differences that distinguish our Republic from any other political
experiment of this or earlier times." He quotes James Madison, "the
master builder of the Constitution," who in The Federallst
explained that a republic has ". . . a government which
derives all its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of
the people, and is administered by persons holding their offices
during pleasure, for a limited period, or during good be haviour. It
is essential to such a govern ment that it be derived from the great
body of the society, not from an incon siderable proportion, or a
favored class of it." lincidentally, The Power in the People
is dedicated by Felix Morley "to the Memory of James Madison."
Bluntly setting forth his belief that "Itihe
Preamble has received inade quate attention in the many compre hensive
and searching studies made of the Constitution of the United States,"
Morley asserts unequivocally that "this book is primarily
concerned with the Preamble and only incidentally with specific
articles and amendments." The reason for his concentration on the
fifty famous opening words is evident. In the Preamble to the
Constitution appear six specific aims, to attain which "we, the
people of the United States" ordained and established that
magnificent instru ment, the sixth goal being to "secure the
Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." Morley
examines the Preamble at length and in depth, and concludes inter
a/ia that the last stated objective, to assure liberty for all, is
clearly the most important.
Notwithstanding Dr. Sam Johnson's cynical quip
anent the alleged concur rence of patriotism with rascality, it must
be said that Felix Morley was, in the best sense, a patriot. He
fervently believed the U.S.A. was established on the basis of ethical
principles: that its peculiar government is best suited to the
attainment of liberty, and that its political system was designed by
men of moral stature and noble purpose. In the book, he heatedly takes
issue with Albert Jay Nock, who, like historian Charles Beard, cast a
captious eye toward the Constitutional Convention, asserting that the
drafters included men representing special interests, four- fifths of
whom were public creditors who would profit by the document's
adoption.
Morley counters the Nockian criticism by again
outlining the nature of the American republic. "It is designed,"
he explains, "to provide a people who are instinctively
democratic with a govern ment calculated to safeguard them from the
excesses of democracy as a political system . . . [D]emocracy, as a
method of government, is affected with an in stability that swings
easily into tyranny. How to provide a democratic people with a stable
republican government was the problem that confronted the founders at
Philadelphia. The formula they found is not above criticism. But it
has worked." In this connection, it is interesting to note that,
later in the book, where Morley discusses the State, which he
incisively distinguishes from Society, his conclusions are in
triguingly similar to the anti-State philosophy so forcefully
propounded by Neck. Morley's distinction is simply put:
"The State, in
short, subjects people, whereas Society associates them voluntarily."
Having said of the American system that "it
has worked," Dr. Morley posits at least one reason for its
success, the exercise of concession and conciliation. "Concessions
to the minority," he writes, "are not necessary in a demo
cracy. Concessions to the majority are not necessary in a tyranny. But
in a republic, designed to prevent and not to induce tyranny,
concessions by both majorities and minorities are as oil to the
machinery of government." Conceding that conciliation which
undermines principle becomes "compromise of a nature intolerable
to honorable men," he nevertheless observes that frequent ly
self-interest "likes to masquerade as principle." His
ultimate point is that there is no insurmountable difficulty in this
matter where the individual himself conscientiously draws the boundary
between honorable concession and dis honorable compromise.
Describing an author or his output as "scholarly"
has regrettably become so trite as to offer rather faint praise. Felix
Morley merits a more meaningful acco lade for this profoundly
enlightening essay. It is scholarly, of course, reflect ing an
unusually broad background of academic and journalistic achievement.
Moreover, Morley's writing is skillful and effective, so that his
painstaking evaluation of the many facets of American political
history comes through with amazing clarity. The reader of The
Power in the People is accorded an unusual privilege, the rare
experience of enjoying brilliant literary style whilst absorbing
education, thanks to the author's keen mind and dexterous pen.