MacArthur,
Douglas
(1880-1964)

ENLARGE
|
Inspired by Henry George's reform proposals, MacArthur
saw to it that during his military governorship of Japan following
the Second World War that land rent reform was incorporated in the
writing of the Japanese Constitution. The new constitution
reversed the portion of agricultural commodities collected as rent
between owners (whose portion dropped to one-third of the total),
and the tenants farmers who actually did the work (who were then
able to retain two-thirds of what they produced).
James Michener, who served as MacArthur's economic adviser,
repeated this theme in his novel, Hawaii:
No nation can avoid land
reform. All it can do is determine the course it will take: bloody
revolution or taxation.
|
MacDonell,
John |
An offer is made of a mode of
raising revenue, which takes from none what they have rightly
earned, which need rob no one of what he has rightly bought, and
which will replenish the Treasury, no man being mulcted, no man
wronged; and are we to reject this offer and for ever allow so
many private interests to gather round this public domain that it
shall be useless and perverted? ...We vex the poor with indirect
taxes, we squeeze the rich, we ransack heaven and earth to find
new impost palatable or tolerable, and all the time these
hardships are going on; neglected or misapplied, there have lain
at our feet a multitude of resources ample enough for all just
common wants, growing as they form Nature's budget. Such seems the
rationale of the subject of which the land question forms a part.
And so we may say that, if property in land be ever placed on a
theoretically perfect basis, no private individual will be the
recipient of economic rent.
[From: The Land Question,]
|
MacDonald, Ramsay |
"Our moral
thoughts are usually cast ultimately into a theological form,
and so the land reformer's case is generally opened by a
statement like ' the land is God's common gift to all.' Cast in
its severely economic form, however, the point is equally
effective. Rent is a toll, not a payment for service. By it
social values are transferred from social pools into private
pockets, and it becomes the means of vast economic exploitation.
. . .Rent is obviously a common resource. Differences of
fertility and value of site must be equalised by rent, and it
ought to go to common funds and be spent in the . common
interest." [Mr. J. Ramsay MacDonald,
Socialism, Critical and Constructive, p.164]
"Our old Socialist argument that economic rent must be
taken by the State, because it is created by circumstances of
which the whole community is entitled to take advantage, has
been enormously increased by the results and the experiences of
the war. And it is fundamental." [Mr.
J. Ramsay MacDonald, Socialism after the War, p.53]
|
MacDonell,
John |
John Macdonell (1845-1921) served from 1901 to 1920 as
professor of law at University College, London. He was also a
distinguished jurist. The book, A Survey of Political Economy,
based on a series of articles published in the Scotsman newspaper.
My apology for essaying, in
these circumstances, such a task as is implied in the title "A
Survey of Political Economy," rests on the possibility of
this modest work turning attention to others more exhaustive, on
the absence of any book conceived on the same plan, and on an
intense desire ... to see political economy divested of many
fallacies, not the less false because sometimes harsh and
degrading.
[From: A Survey of Political
Economy (1871), Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas]
An offer is made of a mode of
raising revenue, which takes from none what they have rightly
earned, which need rob no one of what he has rightly bought, and
which will replenish the Treasury, no man being mulcted, no man
wronged; and are we to reject this offer and for ever allow so
many private interests to gather round this public domain that it
shall be useless and perverted? ...We vex the poor with indirect
taxes, we squeeze the rich, we ransack heaven and earth to find
new impost palatable or tolerable, and all the time these
hardships are going on; neglected or misapplied, there have lain
at our feet a multitude of resources ample enough for all just
common wants, growing as they form Nature's budget. Such seems the
rationale of the subject of which the land question forms a part.
And so we may say that, if property in land be ever placed on a
theoretically perfect basis, no private individual will be the
recipient of economic rent.
[From: The Land Question,
(1873)]
|
Mann,
Thomas

ENLARGE
|
In 1886 I read Henry George's
book, Progress and Poverty. This was a big event for me; it
impressed me as by far the most valuable book I had so far read.
It enabled me to see more clearly the vastness of the social
problem, to realize that every country was confronted by it.
Henry George's cure for economic problems, as advocated in
Progress and Poverty is the Singl Tax. I could not accept all
George's claims on behalf of his proposal, though for lack of
economic knowledge I was unable to refute these claims.
His book was a fine stimulus to me, full of incentive to noble
endeavour, imparting much valuable information, throwing light on
many questions of real importance, and giving me what I wanted --
a glorious hope for the future of humanity, a firm conviction that
the social problem could and would be solved. I must again give a
reminder that Socialism was known only to a few persons, and that
no Socialist organization existed at that time.
[From: Memoirs, 1923]
|
Manning,
Henry E.
(Cardinal)

ENLARGE
|
There is a natural and divine
law anterior and superior to all human and civil law, by which
every people has a right to live of the fruits of the soil on
which they are born and in which they are buried.
[From a Letter to Earl Grey (1868),
Miscellanies, Vol.I, p.239]
|
Marmontel,
Jean-Francois

ENLARGE
|
The land is a solemn gift
which nature has made to man; to be born then is for each of us a
title of possession. The child has no better birthright to the
breast of its mother.
[From: Address in Favor of the
Peasants of the North (1757), Euvres, Vol. X, p.56.]
|
Marmontel,
Jean-Francois |
Hence those immense landed
estates which luxury condemns to barrenness and which for the
gratification of one man deprive a population of existence who
would otherwise be born to cultivate it.
[From: Address in Favor of the
Peasants of the North (1757), Oeuvres, Vol. X, p. 68]
|
Marti,
Jose |
Jose Marti, the hero of Cuban independence, described
Henry George as:
...one of the most cogent and
audacious thinkers, ...George's book was a revelation not only for
the workers, but also for the intellectuals. Only Darwin, in the
natural sciences, left an impression comparable to that of George
in the social sciences. ...His devotion can be compared to the
love of Nazareen, expressed in the language of our times. ...
|
Martineau,
Harriet

ENLARGE
|
Harriet Martineau, the daughter of a textile manufacturer
from Norwich, was born in 1802. Following her education, she began
writing articles in the 1820s for the Monthly Repository
and in 1829 moved to London and joined the staff of this journal.
She broadened her writing to include books on politics and
economics directed to the general public. Among her influences
were Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill. Her 1832 book, Illustrations
of Political Economy sold well, which was followed by Poor
Laws and Paupers Illustrated (1834).
Martineau then visited the United States for two years, recorded
her observations in the book, Society in America (1837),
which commented on the many contradictions between stated
democratic principles and the reality of life for many Americans,
particularly women.
She suffered from poor health throughout much of her life and
died of bronchitis in 1876.
The old practice of man
holding man as property is nearly exploded among civilized
nations; and the analogous barbarism of man holding the surface of
the globe as property cannot long survive. The idea of this being
a barbarism is now fairly formed, admitted and established among
some of the best minds of the time; and the result is, as in all
such cases, ultimately secure.
[From: Autobiography (1855),
Vol.II, Sec. 10, p. 119]
|
Martineau,
Harriet
|
Before any effectual social
renovation can take place, men must efface the abuse which has
grown up out of the transition from the feudal to the more modern
state; the abuse of land being held as absolute property.
[From: Autobiography (1855),
Vol.II, Sec. 10, p. 119]
|
Marx,
Karl

ENLARGE
|
Monopoly of land is the basis
of monopoly in capital.
|
Marx,
Karl |
We have seen that the
expropriation of the mass of the people from the soil forms the
basis of the capitalist mode of production. The essence of a free
policy, on the contrary, consists in this: That the bulk of the
soil is still public property, and every settler on it, therefore,
can turn part of it into his private property and individual means
of production without hindering the later settlers in the same
production.
[From: Capital, Chap. XXXIII,
English Translation, pp. 793-4]
|
McArdle,
Peter J. |
Peter J. McArdle (1874-1940) was first elected to Pittsburgh
City Council in 1911; he served for over 27 years. He was a member
of the City Planning Commission. Previous to public office he had
worked in a rolling mill and was active in union councils within
the steel industry.
The graded tax law has, in my
opinion, been of decided benefit to the City, and to home owners
in particular, by furnishing an added impetus to the development
of vacant land located within the city limits.
[Source of the above quote is not
known. Reprinted from literature published by the Henry George
Foundation of America]
|
McConnell,
Campbell

ENLARGE
|
In the cities the present
arrangement of relatively high property taxes on buildings and
relatively low taxes on land tends to have perverse effects upon
incentives. The relatively light taxes on land mean that
landowners find the tax costs involved in holding vacant land ot
be comparatively small, and so they are encouraged to withhold
land form productive uses in order to speculate on increases in
its value. Such action -- or inaction -- prevents growth of the
property-tax base and contributes to the fiscal problems of the
cities.
[Quote from the textbook, Economics,
1978 edition, p.754]
|
McGinnis,
Bernard B. |
As a young man active in
Democratic politics and civic movements, I joined in a popular
movement in 1913 which resulted in the Legislature adopting a
Graded Tax for cities of the second class. It was a very simple
measure endorsed by leading civic organizations and newspapers and
sponsored politically by William A. Magee, then the Republican
Mayor of Pittsburgh.
Since 1925 the cities of Pittsburgh and Scranton have taxed all
dwellings and other buildings at just one-half of the rate levied
on the land; the purpose being to encourage private improvements
to real estate and to discourage the holding of valuable land for
speculation.
This Graded Tax plan is generally accepted in Pittsburgh and has
meant lower taxes for the great majority of home owners as well as
for others whose properties are well improved. It has been
strongly supported through the years by our Mayors and Councilmen,
both Republican and Democratic. It is also helping Scranton to
attract new industries and to lower taxes on homes.
[Pennsylvania State Senator, 1959]
|
McGlynn,
Edward (Father)

ENLARGE
|
He was simply a seer, a
prophet, a forerunner sent by God, and we can say in all reverence
and in the words of the Scriptures when they said that "There
was a man sent from God, whose name was John he was sent to bear
witness to the light." I believe I am not guilty of any
profanation of the sacred Scriptures when I say there was a man
sent from God, and his name was Henry George.
[source not known]
|
Michener,
James

ENLARGE
|
No nation can avoid land
reform. All it can do is to determine the course it will take:
bloody revolution or taxation.
|
Mill,
James

ENLARGE
|
James Mill discussed land taxation much more fully than
did Adam Smith or Ricardo. In his Political Economy, 1821, he
suggested [p. 243] that in a new country the rent of land would be
a source peculiarly adapted to defray the expenditures of the
state without burdening anyone. But in old countries:
... where land has ... been
converted into private property, without making rent in a peculiar
manner answerable for the public expenses; where it has been
bought and sold upon such terms, and the expectations of
individuals have been adjusted to that order of things, rent of
land could not be taken to supply exclusively the wants of the
government without injustice.
James Mill's Political Economy is noteworthy in that it
contains the earliest thorough consideration of the merits of a
tax upon the "unearned increment" of land values. Much
of the credit should be given to James Mill rather than, as is
usual, to his more distinguished son. James Mill wrote in
Political Economy [p.247]:
This continual increase,
arising from the circumstances of the community, and from nothing
in which the land-holders themselves have any peculiar share, does
seem a fund no less peculiarly fitted for appropriation to the
purposes of the state, than the whole of the rent in a country
where land had never been appropriated.
|
Mill,
John Stuart

ENLARGE
|
John Stuart Mill, in his Political Economy, 1848,
took the position that land ownership is less justifiable than the
ownership of other wealth. "Landed property," he said, "is
felt, even by those most tenacious of its rights, to be a
different thing from other property."
When the sacredness of
property is talked of, it should always be remembered that any
such sacredness doe snot belong in the same degree to landed
property. No man made the land. It is the original inheritance of
the whole species. Its appropriation is wholly a question of
general expediency. When private property in land is not
expedient, it is unjust. It is no hardship to anyone to be
excluded from what others have produced: they were not bound to
produce it for his use, and he loses nothing by not sharing in
what otherwise would not have existed at all. But it is some
hardship to be born into the world and to find all nature's gifts
previously engrossed, and no place left for the new-comer. [book
2, ch. 2, sec. 6.]
Landlords grow rich in their sleep without working, risking or
economizing. The increase in the value of land, arising as it does
from the efforts of an entire community, should belong to the
community and not to the individual who might hold title. [Book 5,
Ch. 2, Sec. 5]
|
Mill,
John Stuart |
Those who think that the land
of a country exists for the sake of a few thousand land-owners,
and that so long as rents are paid, society and government have
fulfilled their function, may see in this consummation a happy end
to Irish difficulties. But this is not a time, nor is the human
mind now in a condition, in which such insolent pretensions can be
maintained. The land of Ireland, the land of every country,
belongs to the people of that country.
[From: Political Economy,
Book II., Chap. 10, Sec. 1]
|
Mill,
John Stuart |
A tax on rent falls wholly on
the landlord. There are no means by which he can shift the burden
upon anyone else.
[From: Elements of Political
Economy, Book V, Chap. III, Sec. 2]
|
Mill,
John Stuart |
The essential principle of
property being to assure to all persons what they have produced by
their labor and accumulated by their abstinence, this principle
cannot apply to what is not the product of labor, the raw material
of the earth.
[From: Political Economy,
Book II, Chap. 2, Sec. 5]
|
Mill,
John Stuart |
When the "sacredness of
property" is talked of, it should always be remembered that
any such sacredness does not belong in the same degre to landed
property.
[From: Political Economy,
Book II, Chap. 2, Sec. 6]
|
Mill,
John Stuart |
The greatest "burthen on
land is the landlords."
[From: Elements of Political
Economy, Book II, Chap. 2, Sec. 6]
|
Mill,
John Stuart |
The social problem of the
future we consider to be how to unite the greatest individual
liberty of action with a common ownership in the raw material of
the globe, and an equal participation of all in the benefits of
combined labor.
[From: Autobiography, Chap.
VII, p.232]
|
Mill,
John Stuart |
The ordinary progress of a
society which increases in wealth is at all times to augment the
incomes of landlords -- to give them both a greater amount and a
greater proportion of the wealth of the community, independently
of any trouble or outlay incurred by themselves. They grow richer
as it were in their sleep, without working, risking or
economizing. What claims have they, on the general principlesof
social justice, to this accession of riches?
[From: Principles of Political
Economy, Book V, Chap. 2, Sec. 5]
|
Miller,
Karen |
Secretary of the Pennsylvania Department of Community
Affairs, responded to a question from Walter Rybeck about whether
her Housing Task Force had looked at the two-rate property tax, as
follows:
No, because the eleven cities
using that form of property tax don't have an affordable housing
problem.
|
Mitchell,
Margaret

ENLARGE
|
Land is the only thing in the
world that amounts to anything, for 'Tis the only thing in this
world that lasts, 'Tis the only thing worth working for, worth
fighting for -- worth dying for.
|
Modigliani,
Franco

ENLARGE
|
It is important that rent of
land be retained as a source of government revenue. Some persons
who could make excellent use of land would be unable to raise
money for the purchase price. Collecting rent annually provides
access to land for persons with limited access to credit.
[Franco (1918-1985) was the 1985 winner
of the Nobel Prize for economics]
|
Moley,
Raymond

ENLARGE
|
Private investment for urban
rebuilding can be attracted by modifying our tax system to
encourage new construction and better land use. High land taxes
and lower levies on improvements will compel owners to build or
sell to those who will build. To a greater extent this emphasis on
a change to land taxation is being accepted by planners,
architects, public authorities and economists.
The point is not a new one. Those who improve their property are
now penalized by higher taxes. Those who maintan slums are
rewarded by a rise in land values.
[From: Newsweek, August 21,
1967]
|
Mondale,
Walter

ENLARGE
|
As you know, land is subject
to local rather than federal jurisdiction, but it would be
interesting to see the results of local experiments along the
lines you suggest. One of the great advantages of our federal
system is that it permits such experiments to take place.
There are, however, a number of things which the federal
government could do to further the taxation of land values. It
could levy such a federal tax itself and this would be much
preferable to taxes on labor and capital investment. It could
establish a new city based solely on land value taxation in order
to demonstrate the feasibility of that principle. It could remove
the income tax deduction for the property tax insofar as it falls
on buildings, thereby encouraging localities to raise more of
their property tax on land instead. And finally, it could so
adjust the revenue sharing formula that the more a city relies on
the taxation of land values for its local revenue, the larger its
federal revenue share would be.
[From a letter dated May 19, 1983 to
the editor of Incentive Taxation]
|
Moore,
Stephen

ENLARGE
|
I have long been an admirer of
the Henry George philosophy, as I think most of us here at the
Cato Institute are.
[199-]
|
More,
Thomas

ENLARGE
|
When an insatiable wretch, who
is a plague to the whole country, resolves to enclose many
thousand acres of ground the owners as well as the tenants are
turned out of their possessions by trick or by main force, or
being wearied out with ill usage they are forced to sell them.
[From: Utopia (1516), Book I]
|
More,
Thomas |
"The increase of pasture",
said I, "by which you sheep, which are naturally mild, and
easily kept in order, may be said now to devour men, and unpeople,
not only villages, but towns; for wherever it is found that the
sheep of any soil yield a softer and richer wool than ordinary,
there the nobility and gentry, and even those holy men the abbots,
not contented with the old rents which their farms yielded, nor
thinking it enough that they, living at their ease, do not good to
the public, resolve to doit hurt instead of good. They stop the
course of agriculture, destroying houses and towns, reserving only
the churches, and enclose grounds that they may lodge their sheep
in them.
As if forests and parks had swallowed up to little of the land,
those worthy countrymen turn the best inhabited places in
solitudes, for when an insatiable wretch, who is a plague to his
country, resolves to enclose many thousand acres of ground, the
owners as well as tenants are turned out of their possessions, by
tricks, or by main force, or being wearied out with ill-usage,
they are forced to sell them. By which means those miserable
people, both men and women, married and unmarried, old and young,
with their poor but numerous families (since country busines
requires many hands), are all forced to change their seats, not
knowing whither they go; and they must sell almost for nothing
their household stuff, which could not bring them much money, even
though they might stay for a buyer.
When that little money is at an end, for it will be soon spent,
what is left for them to do, but either to steal and so to be
hanged (God knows how justly), or to go about and beg? And if they
do this, they are put in prison as idle vagabonds; while they
would willingly work, but can find none that will hire them; for
there is no more occasion for country labor, to which they have
been bred, when there is no arable ground left. One shepherd can
look after a flock which will stock an extent of ground that would
require many hands if it were to be ploughed and reaped. This
likewise in many places raises the price of corn. .
[From: Utopia (1516), Book 1]
|
More,
Thomas
|
There is a great number of
noblemen among you, that are themselves as idle as drones, tht
subsist on other men's labor, on the labor of their tenants, whom,
to raise their revenues, they pare to the quick.
[From: Utopia (1516), Book I]
|
More,
Thomas
|
For they account it a very
just cause of wr for a nation to hinder others from possessing a
part of the soil, of which they make no use, but which is suffered
to lie idle and cultivated; since every man has by the law of
Nature a right to such waste portion of the earth as is necessary
for his subsistence.
[From: Utopia (1516), Book II,
tit. Of Their Traffic]
|
Morley,
John

ENLARGE
|
It will be thought an
intolerable thing that men shall derive enormous increments of
income from the growth of towns to which they have contributed
nothing -- that they shall be able to sweep into their coffers
what they have not produced -- that they shall be able to go on
throttling towns, as they are well known to do in some cases. It
is impossible to suppose that the system will not be vigorously,
powerfully, persistently and successfully attacked.
[From a speech at Forfar, 4 October,
1897. Reprinted in The Times, 5 October, 1897, p.5, column
3]
|
Morris,
William
(1834-1896)

ENLARGE
|
Toward the end of the 1870s, Morris became increasingly
involved in political activism, and by 1883 he had joined H. M.
Hyndman's Socialist League. Rejecting Hyndman's grand plan to
unify all socialist groups in England, Morris helped form the new
Socialist League and became the editor of its journal. When the
Socialist League waxed more extreme and the prospects for real
revolution grew dim, Morris left the organization and founded the
Hammersmith Socialist Society, which met at Kelmscott House and
served as a forum for Sunday evening lectures and discussion on
political and social issues.
Not seldom a piece of barren
ground or swamp, worth nothing in itself, becomes a source of huge
fortune to him from the development of a town or a district, and
he pockets the results of the labor of thousands upon thousands of
men, and calls it his property.
[From: Signs of Change
(1888), p.188]
|
Morris,
William
|
Society will be changed from
its basis when we make the form of robbery called profit
impossible by giving labor full and free access to the means of
fructification -- i.e., to raw material.
[From: Signs of Change
(1888), p.201]
|
Moses |
It is written in Leviticus X MV:XXIII that Jehovah said
to Moses:
The land shall not be sold
forever; for the land is mine.
|
Murphey, Dwight D.

ENLARGE
|
Do Market Economies Allocate
Resources Optimally? A response by Dweight D. Murphey, Prof. of
Business Law, Wichita State University, to Walter Block:
Nor are such societies
sufficiently sensitive to the moral issues. An inequality borne
out of differences in ability, effort, character, market
discernment, and the like, is a morally justifiable inequality.
But, as henry George pointed out a century ago, some wealth
accrues to individuals without any relationship either to merit or
to a productive meeting of consumers' needs. George made this
point with regard to the increase in land values that comes from
increasing population near the land. During the past century, most
classical liberals, including myself until recently, have not
become followers of George (who was in all other ways a devout
free-market thinker) because it has seemed better to let the
market work without qualification than to make an admission that
socialists could use to their own advantage. Now, however, with
the rapid advance of computerization, robotics, materials
sciences, and biotechnology, Henry George's observation becomes
even more pertinent. Those in the year 2030, for example, who make
a fortune as computer experts will make only a part of that income
from their own effort; instead, they will have inherited from the
civilization in which they live the work of countless geniuses who
will have preceded them, and much of their income will be due to
those previous successes. How appropriate will it be then to say
that "any amount of inequality is all right, because it
arises out of the successful peoples' success in the market"?
Will future classical liberals be able to say that with a clear
conscience if billions of people are faring quite badly?
[From: Markets
& Morality, Vol. 2, No. 2, Fall 1999]
|
Murphy,
Dennis |
If you improve your home by
remodeling or building an addition, your taxes will rise, because
we tax the improvements. If you own a rental property, and make
improvements for your tenants, the taxes will increase, regardless
of location. Tax only the land and tax it at a rate appropriate to
its highest and best use.
The results would be dramatic.
Would the old Flame Tavern sit empty year after year? Or would
ordinary economic incentives push the owners -- whom, by the way,
I do not know -- to either make better use of the opportunities
presented by these sites or sell to willing buyers who would?
[Dean of the College of Business & Economics, Western
Washington University. Quote from the Bellingham Washington
Herald, June 2, 1966]
|
Murray,
J.F.N. |
Murray is a prominent assessor and author of Principles
and Practice of Valuation, (Sidney. Commonwealth Institute of
Valuers, Fourth Edition, 1969, a leading textbook on appraising in
Australia.
Valuation is the most
important subject in the social sciences, but it has always been
outside the scope of economics as taught in the universities.
...It is maintained that a re-integration of the theory of
valuation with the main body of economic theory would lead to an
advancement of learning and to a soundly-based national economy.
[source not identified, only in 1967,
from an academic publication]
|
Muskie,
Edmund

ENLARGE
|
We must ask whether it is fair
that our federal tax laws -- which mermit homeowners to deduct
property tax payments from their income tax -- provide no real
relief for apartment dwellers whose rent is increased by their
landlords as a result of these same property taxes.
Still a more basic question is whether any property taxes should
be levied against buildings and improvements (or) whether they
should be levied completely or primarily on land value itself.
[There is a good argument that it is] socially undesirable [to tax
the land speculator less than the owner who improves his proerty,
that urban decay can be blamed on property taxes which penalize
properties, and that property taxes encourage land speculation
rather than logical land development].
[Source: Hugh I. Morris. "Muskie
Weighs Probe Of Property Taxes," The Evening Bulletin,
8 January 1971.]
|
Nader,
Ralph

ENLARGE
|
Nader's group Public Citizen wrote a booklet
recommending:
We reduce taxes on people and
increase taxes on nonrenewables.
A 1994 commentary on urban sprawl contained this
observation about the property tax:
Site-value property taxation
may also spark greater development in cities by taxing land, not
buildings. Unlike traditional taxation -- which rewards developers
who put up cheap, tacky housing and strip malls -- site-value
taxation gives developers the incentive to build gracious, durable
buildings. Allowances for affordable housing, however, need to be
part of site-value schemes.
|
Nader, Ralph |
We need a big debate on
different kinds of taxation, to talk about how corporations are
freeloading on public services and getting tax breaks while taxes
are falling on workers and smaller businesses. We need to open a
debate about land taxation and Henry George, to tax bad things,
not good things, and not to tax people who go to work every day.
|
Nechyba,
Thomas J.

ENLARGE
|
The idea tht land value
taxation is unrealistic or would drive land prices into negative
numbers is based on a static view of the economy, where no one
responds to tax changes by substituting one factor for another.
Once you accept that behavior will change in response to taxes,
that static view no longer applies. Under these fairly
conservative assumptions, tax reforms that use land taxes to
eliminate entire classes of distortionary taxes are economically
feasible in virtually all states.
[From a "Faculty Profile"
interview published in Land Lines, the newsletter of the
Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, January 2002. Mr. Nechyba is
professor of economics at Duke University, Durham, N.C.]
|
Necker,
Jacques

ENLARGE
|
Nearly all civil institutions
were made for the benefit of the rich. If we peruse our books of
law, we are startled at finding everywhere the confirmation of teh
fact. It could almost be said that a few people, after dividing
the earth among themselves, ordained laws to fortify themselves
against the multitude.
[From: Essay on the Corn-Laws
(1775), Part III, Chap. 12, Oeuvres, Vol. I, p. 333]
|
Necker,
Jacques
|
The right of inheriting
property is a law of men; it was established for their welfare and
can only be continued on that condition. He who, at the beginning
of society, staked out a piece of ground, and threw there some
seed which nature had spontaneously produced elsewhere, could
never have obtained on this title alone the exclusive right of
holding the ground for his descendants forever.
[From: Essay on the Corn Laws
(1775), Oeuvres Completes, Vol.I, p.142]
|
New Republic editors |
As Henry George explained more
than a century ago in Progress and Poverty, the cost of natural
resources is nothing more than a tax on the productive elements of
the economy -- labor and capital.
|
Newcomb,
Simon
(1835-1909)

ENLARGE
|
The doctrine that the soil is
of natural right the common property of the human race, and that
each individual should be allowed to enjoy his share, is now
tacitly admitted by many eminent economists in England and France.
[From: "The Labor Question,"
North American Review, July, 1879, p.151]
|
Newman,
Francis William
|
Newman was born in Born in London, and graduated from Oxford
in 1826. He was elected fellow of Balliol College Oxford in the
same year but resigned in 1830, leaving for Baghdad to serve as
assistant in the mission of the Rev. A. N. Groves. In 1833 he
returned to England and eventually accepted the position of
classical tutor in an unsectarian college at Bristol. In 1840 he
became Professor of Latin in Manchester New College, a Unitarian
seminary at York. In 1846 he quit this appointment to become
professor in University College, London, where he remained until
1869. In 1850, he produced ttwo works, Phases of Faith and
Passages from the History of my Creed, the former an analysis of
the relations of the spirit of man with the Creator; the latter a
religious autobiography detailing the author's passage from
Calvinism to pure theism.
He also wrote on logic, political economy, English reforms,
Austrian politics, Roman history, and many other subjects. His
miscellaneous essays were collected in several volumes before his
death. He died in 1897.
Here is the fundamental error,
the crude and monstrous assumption, that the land which God has
given to our nation, is or can be the private property of anyone.
It is a usurpation exactly similar to that of slavery.
[From: Lectures on Political
Economy (1851), Lecture VI., p. 133]
|
Netzer,
Dick

ENLARGE
|
My ideal system of local
finance would comprise user charges and land value taxation.
[Dean, Graduate School of Political
Science, New York University; quote from Property Tax Reform,
Urban Institute, 1973, edited by George Peterson]
|
Netzer,
Dick |
User fees and land-value
taxation are considered by most experts as the best way to finance
city government.
[Dean, New York University; from
remarks at a 1982 meeting of the Federal Reserve Bank in
Philadelphia]
|
NEW YORK TIMES |
Too bad that Henry George, the
author of Progress and Poverty, is not around to advise New York
State's Comptroller, Edward Regan, on the economics of land and
housing. Analyzing New York City's J-51 program to stimulate the
rehabilitation of old buildings with tax concessions. Mr. Regan
says it costs a fortune, or at least too much. Henry George would
have told Mr. Regan that he has it exactly wrong. It's the tax on
building improvements, not the tax abatement, that leads to
poverty.
[editorial, August 5, 1980]
|
Norquist,
John

ENLARGE
|
Question and Answer with Mayor
John Norquist of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Tuesday, January 26, 1999,
at The Landmark Series:
Q: Have you looked at
alternative property tax systems such as a two-tier land value
based system to encourage efficient use?
A: Great idea and almost
impossible to get politically. Usually the constitutions in most
states block it but it's been great for Pittsburgh. You almost
can't find an empty lot in downtown Pittsburgh.They've done a lot
of things wrong in Pittsburgh but one thing they did right was
having this land value taxation so there's no incentive to have an
empty lot. Having a parking lot doesn't make sense economically so
the buildings fill in and you don't have these big empty spots.
So if you can do it in Minnesota, go for it. It's good for the
city.
|
Norris,
Kathleen |
Any one who really fears a
revolution in America ought to reread Henry George's "Progress
and Poverty," one of the great social documents of all time.
I first read it thirty years ago. ...Today the book is good as
ever, and the theory as sane. ... In all the years -- with the
travel, study, opportunity for observation of social conditions --
in all these yers I have never known his premises to be shaken in
the least.
|
Nowak,
Jeremy

ENLARGE
|
"Cities should abolish
all business taxes that inhibit the location of startup firms or
discourage investment in productivity-enhancing equipment or
practices, including all forms of gross receipts or turnover and
net profits taxes. Cities should also replace the business
property tax with a tax on the market value of land, coupling the
land tax with the broader use of business improvement districts or
tax increment finance districts to pay for major infrastructure
investments. Land taxes, which may initially be extraordinarily
low, even zero, in some especially distressed neighborhoods, have
several advantages over property taxes in keeping a city's economy
competitive. They discourage speculative land banking. They
encourage businesses to place as much capital on property as is
economically justifiable because non-land forms of real property
are not taxed. They strongly encourage city government practices
that preserve the value of land. And, finally, they are a powerful
incentive to maintain properties.
"Local personal taxes commonly take three forms: sales
taxes, wage or income taxes, and property taxes, the latter being
the most common. A residential property tax has two components-a
land tax and a tax on the value of the structure. The land
component of the residential property tax should be assessed on an
equal basis with the business land tax, again providing incentives
to develop in neighborhoods with low land values, as well as
preventing speculative land banking."
[From: "Only Radical Strategies Can
Help America's Most Distressed Cities," by Edward W. Hill and
Jeremy Nowak. Brookings Review, Summer 2000, Vol.18, No.3,
Pages 22-26]
|
Oates,
Wallace

ENLARGE
|
What the Pittsburgh experience
suggests to us is that the movement to a graded tax system can, in
the right setting, provide some stimulus to local building
activity. The primary role of the land tax in all this is to
provide the additional source of revenues that allows a reduction
in the rate on improvements.
[Professor of Economics, University
of Maryland; from a research report written with Robert Schwab]
|
Ogilvie,
William |
William Ogilvie, Professor of Humanities in King's
College, Aberdeen, was an eighteenth century thinker who
anticipated certain of Henry George's ideas. In 1782 he published
anonomously An Essay on the Right of Property in Land with
respect to its Foundation in the Law of Nature. He believed
that the equal right of all men to the earth was "a
birthright which every citizen still retains", and as a means
for securing that right he proposed a "progressive agrarian
law", under which men were to be permitted to claim their
birthright share from unoccupied lands, and those holding more
than this share were gradually to be deprived of their surplus of
land, retaining, however, the title to any improvements which they
might have made.
Ogilvie's ideas on taxation were somewhat vague, but he wrote in
a footnote that he believed a land tax to be the most equitable
form of tax. The landowner, he believed, enjoyed a revenue without
performing a corresponding social service. He suggested a tax on
barren lands to force the owner either to cultivate or dispose of
them. Ogilvie was probably the first to suggest definitely a tax
on the increment of land values. He wrote:
A tax on all augmentation of
rents, even to the extent of one half of the increase, would be at
once the most equitable, the most productive, the most easily
collected, and the least liable to evasion of all possible taxes,
and might with inconceivable advantage disencumber a great nation
from all those injudicious imposts by which its commercial
exchanges are retarded and restrained, and its domestic
manufactures embarrassed.[p.9]
Ogilivie also wrote about access to land as a natural
right:
When a child is born, we
recognise that it has a natural right to its mother's milk, and no
one can deny that it has the same right to mother-earth. It is
really its mother-earth, plus the dew and sunshine from heaven and
a little labour, that supplies the milk and everything else
required for its subsistence. The monster that would deprive the
babe of its mother's milk, or would monopolise the breasts of
several mothers, to the exclusion of several children, is not more
deserving of being destroyed than the monster who seizes absolute
possession of more than his share of the common mother of mankind,
to the exclusion of his fellow-creatures.
[From the Preface to William
Ogilvie's "Birthright in Land" (1782), Augustus M Kelley
edition (1970), p.xix]
|
Ogilvie,
William |
Ogilvie begins his "Essay on the Right of Property
in Land" with the following:
1. "All right of property
is founded either in occupancy or labor. The earth having been
given to mankind in common occupancy, each individual seems to
have by nature a right to possess and cultivate an equal share.
This right is little different from that which he has to the
freeuse of the open air and running water; thought not so
indispensably requisite at short intervals for his actual
existence, it is not less essential to the welfare and right state
of his life through all of its progressive stages.
2. "No individual can derive from this general of occupancy
a title to any more than any equal share of the soil of his
country. His actual possession of more cannot of right preclude
the claim of any other person who is not already possessed of such
equal share.
3. "This title to an equal shre of property in land seems
original, inherent, and indefeasible by any act or determination
of others, though capable of being alienated by our own. It is a
birthright which every citizen still retains. Though by entering
into society and partaking of its advantages, he must be supposed
to have submitted this natural right to such regulations as may be
established for the general good, yet he can never be understood
to have tacitly renounced it altogether; --
4. "Every state or community ought in justice to reserve for
all its citizens the opportunities of entering upon or returning
to land resuming this their birthright and natural employment,
whenever they are inclined to do so.
"Whatever inconveniences may -- accompany this reservation,
they ought not to stand in the way of essential justice.
5. "In many rude communities, this original right has been
respected, and their pubilc institutions accommodated to it, by
annual, or at least frequent partitions of the soil, as among the
ancient Germans, and among the native Irish even in Spencer's
time.
"Wherever conquests have taken place, this right has been
commonly subverted and effaced.
"In the progress of commercial arts and refinements, it is
suffered to fall into obscurity and neglect.
7. "That right which the landholder has to an estate,
consisting of a thousand times his own original equal share of the
soil, cannot be founded in the general right of occupancy, but in
the labor which he and those to whom he has succeeded, or from
whom he has purchased, have bestowed on the improvement and
fertilization of the soil. To this extent, it is natural and just;
but such a right founded in labor cannot supersede that natural
right of occupancy, which nine hundred and ninety-nine other
persons have to their equal shares of the soil, in its original
state ..."
9. "On the first of these maxims depend the freedom and
prosperity of the lower ranks. On the second, the perfection of
the art of agriculture."
|
Ogilvie,
William |
The earth having been given to
mankind in common occupancy, each individual seems to have by
nature a right to possess and cultivate an equal share.
[From: Essay on the Right of
Property in Land (1781), Part I, Section I]
|
Ogilvie,
William |
Internal convulsions have
arisen in many countries by which the decisive power of the State
has been thrown, for a short while at least, into the hands of the
collective power of the people. In these junctures they might have
obtained a just re-establishment of their natural rights to
independence of cultivation and to property in land, had they been
themselves aware of their title to such rights, and had there been
any leaders prepared ot direct them in the mode of stating their
just claim, and supporting it with necessary firmness and becoming
moderation.
[From: Essay on the Right of
Property in Land (1781), Part II, Section 3, Paragraph 57]
|
O'Rell,
Max

ENLARGE
|
I hold that the earth was
meant for the human race and not for a few privileged ones.
[From: North American Review,
January, 1899, p.36]
|
Paine,
Thomas
(1737-1809)

ENLARGE
|
In the age of rebellion against monarchy and landed
aristocracy, Paine brought his ideas from the Old World to North
America. He wrote the pamphlet Common Sense which helped
to ignite the spirit of rebellion in the colonial citizens of
England's colonies. In a later pamphlet, Agrarian Justice,
he wrote:
[I]t is the value of the
improvement, only, and not the earth itself, that is individual
property. Every proprietor, therefore, of cultivated lands, owes
the community a ground-rent (for I know of no better term to
express the idea) for the land which he holds; and it is from this
ground-rent that the fund proposed in this plan is to issue.
...The plan I have to propose ... is, To create a national fund,
out of which there shall be paid to every person, when arrived at
the age of twenty-one yers ... a compensation in part, for the
loss of his or her natural inheritance, by the introduction of
landed property ...
Men did not make the earth, and though he had a natural right to
occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity
any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a
land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue.
"The
earth, in its natural state
is supporting but a small
number of inhabitants, compared with shat it is capable of doing
in a cultivated state. And impossible to separate the
improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself upon which
that improvement is made, the idea of landed property arose from
that inseparable connection; but it is nevertheless true that it
is value of the improvement only, and not the earth itself, that
is individual property. Every proprietor, therefore, of
cultivated land owes to the community a ground-rent, for I know
no better term to express the idea by, for the land which he
holds.
Cultivation is one of the greatest natural
improvements ever made. . . .But the landed monopoly that began
with it has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every
nation of their natural inheritance." [Thomas Paine, Agrarian
Justice, 1797]
|
Paley,
William
(Archdeacon of Carlisle)

ENLARGE
|
If you should see a flock of
pigeons in a field of corn, and if (instead of each picking where
and what he liked, taking just as much as it wanted and no more)
you should be ninety-nine of them gathering all they got into a
heap and reserving nothing for themselves but the chaff and
refuse; keeping this heap for one, and that the weakest, perhaps
worst, pigeon of the flock; sitting round and looking on all the
winter whilst this one was devouring, throwing about and wasting
it; and if a pigeon more hardy or hungry than the rest touched a
grain of the hoard, all the others instantly flying upon it and
tearingit to pieces -- if you should see this you would see
nothing more than what is every day practiced and established
among men.
[From: Moral and Political
Philosophy (1785), Book III, Part I., Chap. 1]
|
Paley,
William
|
We now speak of property in
land; and there is a difficulty in explaining the origin of this
property consistently with the law of nature; for the land was
once, no doubt, common; and the question is, how any particular
part of it oculd justly be taken out of the common and so
approprirated to the first owner as to give him a better right to
it than others; and what is more, a right to exclude others from
it. Moralists have given many different accounts of this matter,
which diversity alone, perhaps, is a proof that none of them are
satisfactory.
[From: Moral and Political
Philosophy (1785), Book III, Part I, Chap. 4]
|
Penn,
William
(1644-1718)

ENLARGE
|
One of the first to recognize the promise of ground rents
as a just source of public revenue was William Penn, the
founder of the North American colony of Pennsylvania. Penn wrote
in 1682:
If all men were so far tenants
to the public that the superfluities of grain and expense (meaning
"surpluses") were applied to the exigencies thereto
(meaning "community needs"), it would put an end to
taxes, leave not a beggar, and make the greatest bank for national
trade in Europe.
[From: Reflections and Maxims, Sec. 222, Works V.,
pp. 190-1]
|
PENNSYLVANIA
ECONOMY
LEAGUE |
From a 1988 study, Revised Recovery Plan for the City
of Clairton, Pa:
... attaching different
millage rates to land and buildings will accomplish a more
equitable distribution of the property tax.
|
Phelps,
William Lyon |
I am delighted to have the
Anniversay edition of "Progress and Poverty." When I was
an undergraduate in college, in the year 1998, Professor Arthur
Hadley, later President Hadley, devoted an entire course in my
senior year to this book.
|
Pettigrew,
R.F.

ENLARGE
|
From a letter written 19, July, 1917
printed in Everyman (October 1917) by R.F. Pettigrew, former U.S.
Senator from the state of South Dakota:
Tax reform has been tried
since the days of Ham Arabbie who announced it in a code of laws
of Babylon 2300 years before Christ. But the Single Tax (another
name for free land) is of more recent origin and thereis but one
form of it.
|
Plato

ENLARGE
|
When discord arose, then the
two races were drawn different ways; the iron and brass fell to
acquiring mney and land and huses and gold and silver; but the
gold and silver races, having the true riches in their own nature,
inclined towards virtue and the ancient order of things. There was
a battle between them, and at last they agreed to distribute their
land and houses among individual owners; and they enslaved their
friends and maintainers, whom they had formerly protected.
[From: The Republic, Jowett's
Translation, Book VIII., p.547 (words ascribed to Socrates)]
|
Pliny
(Gaius Plinus Secundus) |
It is the wide-spread domains
that have been the ruin of Italy, and soonwill be that of the
provinces as well.
[From: Natural History, Book
XVIII., Chap. 7]
|
Plutarch

ENLARGE
|
To the end therefore that he
might expel out of the state arrogance and envy, luxury and crime,
and those yet more inveterate diseases of want and superfluity, he
obtained of them to renounce their properties, and to consent to a
new division of the land, and that they should live altogether on
an equal footing, -- merit to be their only road to eminence, and
the disgrace of evil, and credit of worthy acts, their one measure
of difference as between man and man.
[From: Life of Lycurgus]
|
Plummer,
W.C. |
In 1930, he held the position of Assistant Professor of
Economics, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelhia, Pennsylvania
While the right of property
denotes in every state of society the largest powers of exclusive
control over wealth which the law accords, yes, ... these powers
of exclusive use and control are various and differ greeatly in
different times and places. ...Private property ... in land has
always ocupied a strong position in the United States, and
continues to do so at the present time. ...
Taxes upon land are a distinct limitation of private property
rights. Land possesses certain characteristics not found in other
classes of wealth, and for this reason it has often been regarded
as a subject for special taxes. ...The purpose of such taxes, if
they are comparatively small, is to raise revenue for the support
of the Government; but if they are very large, the predominating
purpose is usually to bring about reforms in the social system.
[From: "Limitations to Private
Property Rights in Land in the United States," The Annals
of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.
CXLVIII, No. 237, March, 1930, p.56]
|
Plummer,
W.C. |
Since the publication of
Progress and Poverty in 1879 by Henry George, in which he
advocated what is known as the single tax, there have been
numerous individuals and groups who would like to bring about
radical changes in the socio-economic order by further limiting
private property rights through heavier taxes on land. The
advocates of the single tax contend that the Government should
take in taxes the entire economic rent of land, and that this
should be the only form of taxation. The use of the single tax
would mean practically the abolition of private property in land
and the substitution of community ownership. There would probably
remain the right of private possession, of alienation, and of use
for productive purposes, but the user of the land would be
compelled ot pay to society, in the form of taxes, the full
economic rent. ...Since the market value of land depends upon its
present and anticipated future income, the introduction of the
single tax would take from the present owners the equivalent of
the entire value of their land.
[From: "Limitations to Private
Property Rights in Land in the United States," The Annals
of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.
CXLVIII, No. 237, March, 1930, p.57]
|
Pollock,
Frederick
(1845-1937)

ENLARGE
|
Pollock was an English jurist, educated at Eton and Cambridge
and admitted to the bar in 1871. He became professor of
jurisprudence at Oxford in 1883, a position he retained until
1903. He devoted After 1914 he served as judge of the admiralty
court of the Cinque Ports. His main writings included: The
Principles of Contract (1876) and the Law of Torts
(1887). Pollock also served as editor of the Law Quarterly
Review from 1885 to 1919 and editor in chief (18951935)
of the Law Reports from 1895 to 1935. He collaborated with
F. W. Maitland on The History of English Law (1895),
contributing the material on Anglo-Saxon law.
It is commonly supposed that
land belongs to its owner in the same sense as money or a watch;
this has not been the theory of the English law since the Norman
Conquest, nor has it been so in its fullest significance at any
time. No absolute ownership of land is recognized by our law-books
except in the Crown. All lands are supposed to be held immediately
or mediately of the Crown, though no rent or services may be
payable and no grant from the Crown on record.
[From: Land Laws, Chap. I, p.
12]
|
Precy,
Monsieur V. |
In 1930, this French advocate of land value taxation
wrote:
"And so it is with the
greatest satisfaction that I am able to quote here the
pronouncement made by Robert Smillie, the English miners' leader,
in October 1921: 'It is only lately that I have come to understand
that the root of the whole social problem is to be found in the
land question. As long as access to land remains forbidden to
those who could put it to a useful purpose, we shall always see
crowds of men, cap in hand, at the doors of our factories."
|
Pufendorf,
Samuel

ENLARGE
|
In prnciple I do not see why
the sea should be dispensed from serving our need and comfort, any
more than the land. However ... men were left free to make private
property of the sea as well as of the land, or to leave it in its
primitive state, common to all, so that it should not belong to
one more than to another.
[From: Law of Nature and Nations
(1672), Book IV, Chap. 5, Sec. 5]
|
Pufendorf,
Samuel
|
All that natural law does is
to suggest the establishment of property when the welfare of human
society demands it, leaving it to the wisdom of men to determine
whether they should allow private property in all things or only
in some, and whether they should hold those which they appropriate
separately or in common, leaving the rest to the first occupant,
so that no one can assume the right to enjoy them alone.
[From: Law of Nature and Nations
(1672), Book IV, Chap. 4, Sec. 4]
|
Putland,
Gavin

ENLARGE
|
Gavin Putland, at the Signal Processing Research Centre,
Queensland University of Technology in Brisbane, Australia, wrote:
There is a better way to
improve the competitiveness of a country's industries: reduce
taxes that are passed on in prices and increase taxes that are
not. The range of taxes that are built into prices is wider than
is generally supposed. ...Taxes on land values, in contract, fall
entirely on landowners and cannot be passed on in prices.
Landowners cannot withdraw land from use in order to force users
to pay the tax, because the withdrawn land generates no income to
cover the tax. There is no surer way to make a country more
competitive, thus protecting jobs in its industries, than to
replace taxes on labour and capital with taxes on land values.
[From: a World Bank internet
discussion, 19 March 2000]
|
Quesnay,
Francois

ENLARGE
Turgot,
A.R. Jacques

ENLARGE
|
During the late eighteenth century in France, the school
of political economists known as the Physiocrats, which included
the royal physician, Francois Quesnay and finance
minister, A. R. Jacques Turgot , also recognized the power
of collecting ground rent for public purposes. They expressed this
thought and coined the phrase "impot unique" (i.e., "the
single tax").
... the form of assessment
which is the most simple, the most regular, the most profitable to
the state, and the least burdensome to the tax-payers, is that
which is made proportionate to and laid directly on the source of
continually regenerated wealth (land).
|
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