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Tolstoy's Georgist Gospel
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{Reprinted from Land &
Liberty, March-April 1989] |
WHEN YOU are on your death bed, your last words are accorded some
respect. The beneficiaries of your will, for a start, are most anxious
to hear the distilled wisdom of the benefactor.
When that benefactor is Leo Tolstoy, one of the greatest artists ever,
you would think that the world would pause to listen and reflect.
And what were Tolstoy's last words? He rode on a train to his death,
while fleeing from a wife who apparently hated him. On that train, he
could have slumped back in anonymity, exhausted by a lifetime's creative
endeavours, making peace with his maker.
Far from it. He announced to passengers in his carriage that he was Leo
Tolstoy, and he proceeded to instruct them on the virtues of a fiscal
policy articulated by an American social reformer, Henry George.
The policy was a simple one: a tax on the value of land. This tax,
while efficient at raising revenue, had a moral significance for
Tolstoy. It was the mechanism for abolishing an evil; the private
exploitation of the resources of nature, which ought to be -- which were
-- the property of all.
Right to the end, according to the latest biography[1], the wizened old
man with the matted beard insisted on spreading the gospel according to
Henry George.
THIS WAS one of the rich legacies that the writer sought to leave
mankind.
No-one denies that Tolstoy was a perceptive observer of society and
psychology. His major works of fiction are suffused with the dramas of
the 19th century, which symbolically represented age old actions (such
as wars) and human strengths and frailties (such as jealousy and
courage).
Today, universities provide ample scope for Ph.D dissertations on the
artistic merits of the novels, and lecturers build their eputations by
spreading knowledge about the works of the Master.
And yet Tolstoy committed the last half of his life to the facts of
life. He swapped the role of the artist for the even more monopoly power
based on the private ownership of land would have removed the need for
the socialisation of capital.
So Lenin "contained" Tolstoy. He did this by praising the man
as a poet and patronisingly dismissing him as a social thinker and
reformer. That disgraceful treatment set the tone for all the
biographies and literary critiques that followed throughout this
century.
Leo Nikolayevich Tolstoy, we are invited to believe, strayed from the
straight and narrow when he became a proselytiser for the American
writer who was stirring the minds of men around the globe, from San
Francisco to New York, from Edinburgh to Dublin and on to Sydney and the
outback of Australia.
THE latest biography repeats the shallow assessment of Tolstoy's
commitment to the land tax.
A.N. Wilson dismisses this dimension to his subject's life with a few
glib phrases and pronouncements.
For example. Wilson -- knowing that Tolstoy was a libertarian, who
Hated authoritarian governments -- believes he can fault the writer by
pointing out that a tax on land values implies the need for the State
with machinery to administer the policy.
Not content with noting what he alleges is a contradiction in Tolstoy's
"muddled political thinking." Wilson proceeds to distort the
structure of the State that would be required if the land tax were
adopted.
For land taxers, the minimalist State is acceptable and sufficient to
enable a free people to go about their affairs unrestrained by
authoritarian politicians or interfering monopolists who prefer a rigged
market which favours an easy life and large profits.
For Mr. Wilson, however, Tolstoy's policy implies "an all-powerful
state,"which was "understandably discarded".
Proceeding in this negative vein. Wilson notes: "Lenin, watching
from abroad, was completely fascinated by the 'really glaring'
contradictions in Tolstoy's works, ideas and teachings. Lenin was
chiefly struck by the contradictions between the incomparable artist and
the "landowner obsessed by Christ". He was unimpressed by the
'worn-out sniveller' who beat his breast and boasted to the world that
he now lived on rice cutlets."
And so the process of assassinating his character and discrediting his
philosophy proceeds apace.
Tolstoy thought he had broken away from the world of fiction, after
being exposed to the insights offered by Henry George. Now, he thought,
he could really contribute something to the labourers who eked j out a
mean living from the soil as tenants on the vast estates of the corrupt
aristocracy that controlled Russia.
He was wrong. His biographers have chained him to the world of fiction.
They will not allow him to break out into the real world, where the
level of rents ensured the permanent pauperisation of a large part of
the population.
Why, pronounced Wilson, even "Tolstoy's later diaries are
stupendously tedious, full of the usual old reflections about Henry
George's land tax..." There is a conspiracy to demanding mantle of
the social social reformer.
He was disgusted by the immiseration of the peasants, but could not see
a practical solution until he received copies of
Progress and Poverty[2] and the other works by his contemporary
in the United States.
These books, according to his own testimony, removed the scales from
his eyes. Now he could see that a simple tax would release the energies
of workers and banish poverty; open the gates to freedom, and diminish
the power of tyrants who used ignorance to exploit the masses.
If people did not wish lo believe Henry George, why should they not
at least accord respect to the words of Leo Tolstoy on his death bed?
It did not suit the revolutionaries and anarchists to accord credence
to Tolstoy's legacy: that would have endangered their plans for the
Czar.
We have to presume that Lenin could see (as Karl Marx saw) that
abolition of the monensure that the Master's reflections on the real
world remain indecently buried with this body. That conspiracy is based
on ignorance: this is the most benign interpretation we can offer for
what is a discreditable attempt to deny to the new generations of
readers' access to the wisdom that underpins the philosophy of one of
the greatest modern artists.
The world continues to pay the price for failing to listen to the last
words of the Master.
[1] A.N. Wilson. Tolstoy,
London: Hamish Hamilton, 1988, p.510.
[2] New York: Robert Schalkenbach Foundation, 1979.
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