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Seeking the One Great Remedy
Francis George Shaw and Nineteenth-Century Reform
Lorien Foote
[An excerpt from the Introduction to the book
published by Ohio University Press, 2003]
Ever searching for the revolution that would eliminate poverty and
inequality, [Shaw] found that those twin evils persisted in abundance
in the postwar world. When Northern society experienced economic
depression and labor revolt in the 1870s, Shaw believed the flawed
structure of capitalism was to blame for both problems. He
participated in many different reform movements after the war, but
none of them satisfied the man who still quested for the "one
great remedy." ...
Just a few years before he died, Shaw's quest ended. He read Henry
George's Progress and Poverty, and, as he would later put it, "the
light broke" upon him. The book proclaimed that poverty and other
social ills were the result of the private ownership of land and other
resources. By abolishing private property in land or by confiscating
rent through land taxes, George argued, the government could usher in
a new state of society in which common ownership of land would lead to
communal administration of benefits for the entire society. Shaw
provided financial and moral support to the struggling reformer and
author, and the tow men began a partnership that made Progress and
Poverty into one of the best-selling books in American history and
launched the Single Tax phenomenon. The Single Tax movement, one of
the most important reforms in late-nineteeneth-century America, was
based on George's proposal to abolish all government taxes except that
on land values; the concept, proponents argued, represented a viable
alternative to eliminating private property in land. The movement
attracted hundreds of thousands of followers and united industrial
laborers, farmers, and old elite reformers such as Shaw. ...
[A] study of Shaw's activities after the war challenges the
interpretation that apart from the race issue, elite abolitionists and
their immediate successors abandoned antebellum radicalism,
uptopianism, and social justice. What historians such as Ginzberg and
Fredrickson ignore is that advocacy for utopian social reform
continued among abolitionists such as Frank Shaw, who never veered
from his quest for the moral transformation of society. He joined
younger reformers who came of age during the war in movements that had
explicit ties to antebellum reform.
The prime example was Henry George's Single Tax movement, a much
misunderstood phenomenon of the late nineteenth century. Previous
historians have missed the significance of the partnership between
Shaw and George because they have misunderstood George. Although
scholars such as John L. Thomas recognize that George tapped into
antebellum reform traditions when he wrote Progress and Poverty,
most historians do not see much radicalism in his work. According to
the most accepted interpretation, George embraced individualism, the
free market, and limited government; his ideas recycled those of the
workers and artisans who had challenged monopoly and social inequality
before the Civil War, and like them, he remained within the
ideological framework of preindustrial capitalism.
The partnership between Frank Shaw and Henry George raises questions
that cast doubt on these scholars' conclusions. It is important that
Shaw, who maintained the principles of Association throughout his
life, found resonance with Henry George. Since George frequently spoke
to Shaw of "our ideas," Shaw must have understood better
than anyone else the true nature of George's "Revolution."
Ostensibly the Single Tax movement aimed to abolish private property
in land by confiscating land values. But George believed this
seemingly simple step would eventually usher in a utopian communal
society. The last sections of his book describe an ideal society
characterized by social cooperation, equality of condition, and
collective ownership. Shaw understood this eventual goal and worked
for the movement with all the gusto his advancing age permitted.
Through the Single Tax effort, he and other elites from the abolition
generation joined with industrial laborers in a reform that challenged
the foundations of industrial capitalism.
A more complete understanding of Progress and Poverty places
George as a link between antebellum reforms and the radical social
movements of the 1880s and 1890s. In his Single Tax proposal, he
manifested the same proclivity toward social redemption that
abolitionists had shown decades earlier. He articulated a communal
alternative to capitalism that was reminiscent of Association before
the Civil War. Thus, George carried on the spirit of antebellum reform
expressed in the life of his dear friend Frank Shaw. In turn, Shaw's
support of George demonstrated that radical reforms did not dissipate
after the Civil War, nor were workers and farmers the only Americans
to embrace them, as Ginzberg and Fredrickson claim. Historians must
not ignore elites such as Shaw who provided experienced leadership and
ideological support for the new generation of social reformers. His
story reveals the thread that wove together what previous scholars
have mistakenly seen as disparate movements.
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